Why Burlington Police Force Disparities Keep Rising
By Darius Spearman (africanelements)
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The Breaking Point in the Queen City
Burlington, Vermont, has long held a national reputation as a peaceful enclave of progressive politics. However, a municipal report on police behavior presents a far more troubling reality for Black residents. The data reveals that racial disparities in police use-of-force have climbed to record highs, continuing a decade-long upward trend. Although Black residents make up only about six percent of the city population, they face police physical force at nearly three times the rate of white residents during interactions (burlingtonvt.gov, policescorecard.org).
These findings prompted swift reactions across city government. Mayor Emma Mulvaney-Stanak publicly acknowledged the severe implications of the report, noting that record-high disparities demand immediate attention and structural policy changes (burlingtonvt.gov). The numbers confirm what Black community organizers have asserted for years. The gap between progressive public rhetoric and the everyday street realities of racialized policing remains vast and dangerous (justiceforallvt.org, justiceforallvt.org).
Roots of Bias: From Traffic Stops to Street Patrols
The current statistical crisis did not emerge overnight. Community coalitions began documenting systemic police profiling in Chittenden County more than fifteen years ago. Between 2009 and 2012, grassroots organizations formed the Uncommon Alliance to examine racial disparities in roadside stops (justiceforallvt.org, justiceforallvt.org). Their groundbreaking work led to a landmark 2014 state law that required all Vermont police departments to collect and publish race data on traffic stops (vermont.gov).
Subsequent university research confirmed deep disparities across municipal departments. University of Vermont economist Dr. Stephanie Seguino analyzed years of Burlington police records. Her findings demonstrated that Black drivers faced higher search rates despite being less likely to carry contraband than white motorists (vermont.gov). These patterns mirror historical systems of surveillance that have shaped criminal legal systems since the nineteenth century. Even as the overall number of stops declined, the racial gap in coercive interactions steadily widened (policescorecard.org).
Street Violence and High-Profile Lawsuits
Public focus shifted from traffic stops to physical violence after several viral encounters in downtown Burlington. In late 2018 and early 2019, body-worn camera footage captured Burlington police officers using violent force against young Black men outside local nightlife venues (sevendaysvt.com, vtdigger.org). Officers shoved, tackled, and knocked individuals unconscious during minor verbal disputes (sevendaysvt.com, vtdigger.org).
These violent encounters led to extensive federal civil rights litigation. Lawsuits detailed how officers Jason Bellavance, Cory Campbell, and Joseph Corrow engaged in excessive physical force against Jérémie Meli, Charlie Meli, and Mabior Jok (sevendaysvt.com, vtdigger.org). Although the officers faced minimal internal discipline, the City of Burlington eventually paid nearly one million dollars to settle the cases, including a $750,000 settlement to the Meli family and $215,000 to Jok (sevendaysvt.com, vtdigger.org). Meanwhile, Sergeant Bellavance received a $300,000 city buyout to leave the department (sevendaysvt.com, sevendaysvt.com).
Vermont enacts legislation requiring law enforcement agencies to collect and report demographic traffic stop metrics.
Lawsuits emerge over violent arrests outside Main Street establishments, triggering independent commission investigations.
Activists stage a month-long encampment demanding officer firings; City Council votes to reduce authorized sworn officers by 30%.
City report documents all-time high racial disparities in physical force, sparking calls for civilian oversight reform.
The 2020 Reckoning and Battery Park Resistance
The national racial justice uprisings of 2020 brought Burlington tensions to a boiling point. Local organizers launched a continuous, thirty-five-day encampment at Battery Park, directly outside police headquarters (sevendaysvt.com). Protesters demanded the immediate dismissal of officers named in excessive force lawsuits and called for systemic budget reallocation toward social services (sevendaysvt.com, sevendaysvt.com).
In response to sustained community mobilization, the Burlington City Council passed a resolution in June 2020 to reduce the authorized police roster by thirty percent through normal attrition (cna.org). This decisive political choice aligned with broader Black political movements seeking to transform community safety. However, the subsequent years saw sharp political backlash. When property crimes and regional gun violence surged, police unions and conservative critics attributed the issues entirely to smaller headcounts, despite nationwide post-pandemic crime spikes (cna.org, nationalpolice.org).
Chemical Restraints: The J.A. Settlement
Physical force on the street often connects directly to the dangerous medicalization of police encounters. In May 2021, a Burlington mother called the police department to request an educational conversation with her fourteen-year-old son, J.A., who had taken vape pens from a store (acluvt.org, vtdigger.org). She explicitly informed responding officers that the youth had intellectual disabilities, severe trauma history, and recent heart testing (acluvt.org, vtdigger.org).
Instead of de-escalating, officers aggressively forced the teenager down onto a bed and floor (acluvt.org). Paramedics then administered ketamine, a potent chemical sedative, to incapacitate the distressed youth (acluvt.org, vtdigger.org). The use of chemical restraints during police encounters drew national condemnation following the tragic 2019 death of Elijah McClain in Colorado (acluvt.org). In 2026, the City of Burlington settled a federal civil rights lawsuit filed by the ACLU on behalf of J.A. for $150,000, illustrating the severe human and financial costs of escalatory tactics (vtdigger.org).
Unequal Justice: Custody and Diversion Gaps
Racial disparities in Burlington extend well beyond physical confrontations on patrol. Municipal audits reveal deep inequities in how officers handle custody and post-arrest procedures. Although Black individuals represent roughly six percent of the city population, they account for over twenty percent of all criminal arrests (policescorecard.org). Furthermore, once arrested, Black subjects are twice as likely to be held in jail cells rather than released on citations (burlingtonvt.gov).
Disparities in restorative justice alternatives are equally striking. Community diversion programs operated through Community Justice Centers provide low-level offenders opportunities to repair harm without acquiring a permanent criminal record (burlingtonvt.gov). However, data presented to the Burlington Police Commission revealed that Black individuals were referred to diversion programs at half the rate of white individuals (burlingtonvt.gov). These unequal discretionary choices channel Black youth into criminal courts while white peers receive restorative rehabilitation, reinforcing systemic inequality (burlingtonvt.gov).
The Oversight Dilemma: City Charter Limitations
Municipal efforts to discipline officers and reform department culture repeatedly run into legal roadblocks. Under Section 190 of the Burlington City Charter, the Chief of Police holds the exclusive legal authority to discipline, suspend, or terminate department personnel (vtdigger.org, peopleforpoliceaccountability.com). Consequently, the civilian Burlington Police Commission functions largely as an advisory board without the power to impose binding sanctions on rogue officers (vtdigger.org, peopleforpoliceaccountability.com).
City leaders have attempted to close this accountability gap through public ballot questions. However, voter-approved measures to create an independent civilian oversight board with disciplinary authority have faced mayoral vetoes and resistance in the state legislature (vtdigger.org, vtdigger.org). These administrative hurdles recall state-level debates over demands for systemic equity where institutional inertia routinely blocks community-led oversight proposals.
Evaluating Early Intervention and Independent Audits
Department leaders frequently point to implicit bias instruction and Fair and Impartial Policing policies as proof of reform. Standard Fair and Impartial Policing frameworks aim to restrict pretextual vehicle stops and eliminate discriminatory enforcement (vermont.gov). Yet empirical studies show that voluntary bias training alone fails to reduce deep-rooted racial disparities on the street (policescorecard.org).
To establish meaningful accountability, municipal leaders are exploring data-driven management tools. Experts recommend strengthening Early-Intervention Systems that automatically track officer force reports, citizen complaints, and weapon brandishings to flag concerning patterns before tragedies happen (cna.org). Furthermore, the Police Commission continues to push for full collaboration with independent research bodies like the Center for Policing Equity (newsfromthestates.com). Such empirical partnerships isolate systemic bias from neighborhood crime dynamics to craft actionable operational overhauls (newsfromthestates.com).
The Long Road Toward Accountability
The record-high use-of-force disparities in Burlington demonstrate that cosmetic reforms cannot resolve institutional racism. Addressing these challenges requires examining how academic institutions and Black studies programs analyze state power and racial hierarchy. True public safety cannot exist when a small minority of the population shoulders a massive share of police coercion and surveillance (burlingtonvt.gov, policescorecard.org).
Moving forward, the City of Burlington faces a clear test of political willpower. Municipal leaders must decide whether to expand independent civilian oversight, remove armed officers from mental health emergencies, and dismantle discretionary practices that penalize Black residents (burlingtonvt.gov, newsfromthestates.com). The community has documented the problem for decades. The urgent task now is enacting enforceable structural change so that public safety protects every resident equally (justiceforallvt.org, burlingtonvt.gov).
About the Author
Darius Spearman is a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College, where he has been teaching for over 20 years. He is the founder of African Elements, a media platform dedicated to providing educational resources on the history and culture of the African diaspora. Through his work, Spearman aims to empower and educate by bringing historical context to contemporary issues affecting the Black community.
