LDF Mourns Viola Ford Fletcher: Tulsa Massacre Survivor’s Legacy
By Darius Spearman (africanelements)
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A Century of Truth and Resilience: Viola Ford Fletcher’s Enduring Fight
The recent passing of Viola Ford Fletcher at the age of 111 marks the end of an extraordinary life dedicated to exposing and seeking justice for one of the darkest chapters in American history: the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre. Her powerful testimony before Congress in 2021 and her unwavering advocacy for reparations brought long-overdue national attention to a crime the country had largely tried to ignore for decades ((naacpldf.org), (congress.gov)). The NAACP Legal Defense Fund (LDF) announced her death, recognizing her pivotal role in a national reckoning about racialized violence and reparative justice in Tulsa (naacpldf.org).
The LDF, known formally as the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., is a premier legal organization dedicated to achieving racial justice, equality, and an inclusive society through litigation, advocacy, and public education (wikipedia.org). This group played a pivotal role in the Civil Rights Movement, notably leading the legal strategy in the landmark case of Brown v. Board of Education, which led to the desegregation of public schools ((wikipedia.org), (britannica.com)). Racialized violence refers to violence motivated by or occurring within a context shaped by race, where ethnicity or race is a significant factor in the targeting of individuals or groups, often reinforcing systems of racial hierarchy and oppression ((crimeandjustice.org.uk), (justsecurity.org)). Reparative justice is a framework that seeks to address historical and ongoing injustices, particularly those rooted in systemic racism and human rights violations, by repairing the harm caused to victims and their descendants ((justsecurity.org), (crimeandjustice.org.uk)).
Black Wall Street’s Genesis: A Beacon of Black Prosperity Amidst Jim Crow
The story of the Tulsa Race Massacre is inextricably linked to the Greenwood District, a vibrant and prosperous Black community in Tulsa, Oklahoma, often referred to as “Black Wall Street” (naacpldf.org). In the early 20th century, despite the pervasive racial segregation and Jim Crow laws, African Americans in Greenwood built a self-sufficient economic haven (naacpldf.org). Jim Crow laws were a collection of state and local statutes enacted primarily in the Southern and some border states of the United States from the late 19th to the mid-20th centuries (britannica.com). These laws were designed to legalize racial segregation and discrimination against African Americans, mandating “separate but equal” public facilities, though facilities for Black Americans were almost always inferior or nonexistent ((britannica.com), (britannica.com)).
The impact of Jim Crow laws on daily life was pervasive, restricting almost every aspect of African Americans’ existence and creating a system of systemic oppression (britannica.com). They enforced racial segregation in public spaces such as schools, hospitals, transportation, restaurants, and restrooms, creating separate and unequal facilities for Black and white citizens (britannica.com). Black entrepreneurs in Greenwood established a thriving district with businesses ranging from grocery stores, banks, and hotels to doctors’ offices, salons, and theaters (naacpldf.org). By 1921, Greenwood was home to approximately 10,000 Black residents (naacpldf.org). A dollar was estimated to circulate within the community up to 19 times before leaving, signifying a remarkably strong and self-sustaining local economy ((naacpldf.org), (blackwallstreet.org)). This high rate of internal circulation meant that money spent within the community repeatedly changed hands among Black-owned businesses and residents, multiplying its impact before leaving the area ((blackwallstreet.org), (economictimes.com)). This phenomenon fostered economic independence and resilience, allowing the community to thrive despite systemic racism.
The Spark and the Inferno: May 1921 and the Devastation of Greenwood
This economic success, however, fueled resentment and racist ideologies among some white residents, creating a tinderbox of racial tensions (naacpldf.org). The spark that ignited the massacre occurred on May 30, 1921, when Dick Rowland, a 19-year-old Black shoeshiner, was accused of assaulting Sarah Page, a white elevator operator (naacpldf.org). An inflammatory report in the *Tulsa Tribune* newspaper the following day suggested a planned lynching, inciting a confrontation ((naacpldf.org), (tulsahistory.org)). The *Tulsa Tribune* article, published on May 31, 1921, was titled “Nab Negro for Attacking Girl In an Elevator” (tulsahistory.org). More critically, it contained an editorial or opinion piece on its editorial page titled “To Lynch Negro Tonight,” although no copies of this specific editorial are known to have survived ((tulsahistory.org), (pbs.org)).
Armed Black men gathered at the courthouse to protect Rowland, leading to a standoff with a growing white mob (naacpldf.org). Shots were fired, and “all hell broke loose” (naacpldf.org). Over the next two days, from May 31 to June 1, 1921, mobs of white residents, some of whom were deputized and armed by city officials, attacked Black residents and systematically destroyed homes and businesses in Greenwood (naacpldf.org). Eyewitnesses reported white mobs looting and setting fires, with some survivors even claiming that airplanes dropped incendiary bombs on the district ((naacpldf.org), (pbs.org)). The claim that airplanes dropped incendiary bombs during the Tulsa Race Massacre has been widely substantiated by historical accounts, eyewitness testimonies, and the 2001 Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 report ((pbs.org), (neh.gov)). These planes were reportedly flown by white individuals, some believed to be private citizens, who dropped dynamite or incendiary devices on the Greenwood District ((pbs.org), (neh.gov)). The Oklahoma National Guard eventually imposed martial law, but not before the devastation was widespread (naacpldf.org). After the massacre, Dick Rowland was never formally charged with the alleged assault on Sarah Page, and the charges against him were dropped (tulsahistory.org). He was released and is believed to have left Tulsa permanently, disappearing from public record ((tulsahistory.org), (pbs.org)).
Estimated Fatalities in the Tulsa Race Massacre
This chart illustrates the wide range of estimates for fatalities during the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre, contrasting official records with expert assessments (naacpldf.org).
Catastrophe and Silence: The Immediate Aftermath and Decades of Denial
The immediate consequences of the Tulsa Race Massacre were catastrophic (naacpldf.org). Over 35 city blocks of Greenwood were burned and destroyed (naacpldf.org). Estimates of fatalities vary widely, with official state records initially reporting 36 deaths, while a 2001 commission identified 39 confirmed deaths (26 Black, 13 white) (naacpldf.org). Many experts and commissions, however, estimate the death toll to be between 75 and 300, or even higher, with scores of mostly Black victims potentially buried in unmarked mass graves ((naacpldf.org), (neh.gov)). More than 800 people were admitted to hospitals for injuries (naacpldf.org).
Economically, the destruction was immense (naacpldf.org). Between 1,256 and 1,400 homes were burned, alongside 191 businesses, a junior high school, churches, and the district’s only hospital (naacpldf.org). The property damage was estimated at over $1.5 million in real estate and $750,000 in personal property in 1921, which equates to approximately $39.66 million in 2024 (naacpldf.org). Over $1.8 million in damage claims were filed by residents, but nearly all were denied, partly because insurance companies reportedly used the “riot” designation to avoid paying (naacpldf.org). As many as 6,000 to 10,000 Black residents were left homeless or interned, many living in tents through the winter of 1922 (naacpldf.org). For generations, the Tulsa Race Massacre was largely omitted from local, state, and national histories, a “conspiracy of silence” that prevented healing and accountability (naacpldf.org). This conspiracy of silence was maintained through a combination of deliberate suppression, official inaction, media censorship, and community complicity (edweek.org). Official reports often downplayed the extent of the violence or omitted it entirely, with local authorities failing to investigate, prosecute perpetrators, or even acknowledge the state-sanctioned violence (edweek.org). Furthermore, school curricula in Oklahoma and nationwide systematically excluded the massacre, ensuring that generations of students grew up without knowledge of the event ((naacpldf.org), (edweek.org)).
Economic Devastation: Property Damage Then and Now
This chart compares the estimated property damage from the Tulsa Race Massacre in 1921 to its equivalent value in 2024, showing a significant increase due to inflation (naacpldf.org).
Viola Fletcher’s Unwavering Voice: Breaking the Silence for Justice
Viola Ford Fletcher, affectionately known as “Mother Fletcher,” was just seven years old when she witnessed the horrific events of the massacre (naacpldf.org). Born on May 10, 1914, in Comanche, Oklahoma, she spent her early years in Greenwood, remembering it as an “oasis for Black people during segregation” with a “beautiful home” and a sense of safety and community (naacpldf.org). The night of the massacre, she was woken by her family and forced to flee through gunfire (naacpldf.org). She described seeing “Black men being shot, Black bodies lying in the street,” smelling smoke, seeing fire and burning businesses, and hearing airplanes overhead and screams (naacpldf.org). Her family became nomadic sharecroppers, and she lost her chance at an education, leaving school after the fourth grade (naacpldf.org).
Despite the lifelong trauma, Fletcher became a symbol of resilience (naacpldf.org). She worked as an assistant welder in a shipyard during World War II and later as a housekeeper until the age of 85, raising three children (naacpldf.org). In her later years, she found her voice and became a tireless advocate for justice and reparations (naacpldf.org). Reparations generally entail a variety of measures aimed at acknowledging, atoning for, and repairing the harm caused by severe and systemic injustices, particularly those rooted in slavery and its aftermath, racial discrimination, and other human rights violations (justsecurity.org). These measures can include direct financial compensation to individuals or descendants, land restitution, investments in community infrastructure, and symbolic measures such as official apologies and educational curricula changes (justsecurity.org). In 2021, at 107 years old, she delivered historic and poignant testimony before the U.S. Congress, forcing the nation to confront the lasting harm of the massacre ((naacpldf.org), (congress.gov)). “I will never forget the violence of the white mob when we left our home,” she told lawmakers (naacpldf.org). “I live through the Massacre every day. Our country may forget this history. I cannot. I will not” (naacpldf.org). Her testimony, along with that of her younger brother Hughes Van Ellis (who passed in 2023 at 102) and Lessie Benningfield Randle (now the only known living survivor), drew significant national and international attention ((naacpldf.org), (wordinblack.com)). Fletcher co-authored her memoir, “Don’t Let Them Bury My Story,” with her grandson in 2023, ensuring her experiences would not be forgotten (naacpldf.org). She joined a lawsuit seeking reparations from the city of Tulsa, which was ultimately dismissed by the Oklahoma Supreme Court in June 2024 (naacpldf.org). The lawsuit was framed under Oklahoma’s public nuisance statute, which is a law that allows legal action against activities or conditions that unreasonably interfere with the rights of the general public (justsecurity.org). The plaintiffs argued that the massacre and its ongoing effects created an “abatable nuisance” that continues to cause harm to the community and its descendants, aiming to bypass the statute of limitations for direct damages from 1921 (justsecurity.org). However, the Oklahoma Supreme Court dismissed the lawsuit, ruling that the public nuisance statute does not apply to “social and economic disparities” resulting from historical events, but rather to ongoing unlawful control over private or public property ((naacpldf.org), (justsecurity.org)).
The Legacy of Disparity: Echoes of the Massacre in Modern Tulsa
Viola Ford Fletcher’s passing at 111 on November 24, 2025, in a Tulsa hospital, was mourned by her family and the LDF (naacpldf.org). Her grandson, Ike Howard, emphasized that “She would not want her passing to be the end of the fight. She would want it to light a fire under all of us” (naacpldf.org). The economic impact of the massacre continues to reverberate, contributing to a persistent racial wealth gap in Tulsa (naacpldf.org). Studies show declines in Black home ownership, occupational status, and child education in the decades following the massacre ((naacpldf.org), (nber.org)). Today, the typical Black household in the Tulsa metropolitan area possesses only six cents of wealth for every dollar of the typical white household, mirroring the national disparity where Black families’ median wealth is less than 15% of white families’ ((naacpldf.org), (nber.org)).
While a 2001 state commission recommended a program of reparations, no legislative action was taken on it (naacpldf.org). The 2001 Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, besides recommending reparations, concluded that between 100 and 300 people were killed and that local government officials and law enforcement were complicit in the massacre (neh.gov). The commission also recommended establishing a scholarship fund for descendants of massacre victims and creating an economic development zone in the Greenwood area to address lingering disparities (neh.gov). Furthermore, it urged the Oklahoma state government to pursue historical reconciliation through educational programs that fully incorporate the massacre into public school curricula and by erecting memorials ((neh.gov), (edweek.org)). However, the ongoing advocacy of survivors like Viola Ford Fletcher has kept the issue of reparations in the national dialogue (naacpldf.org).
Tulsa’s Racial Wealth Gap
This visualization illustrates the severe racial wealth gap in Tulsa, showing that for every dollar of wealth held by a typical white household, a Black household possesses only six cents (naacpldf.org).
The Road Ahead: Ongoing Calls for Reparations and Repair
Tulsa Mayor Monroe Nichols, the city’s first Black mayor, acknowledged Viola Fletcher’s profound impact, stating, “Mother Fletcher carried 111 years of truth, resilience, and grace and was a reminder of how far we’ve come and how far we must still go” (naacpldf.org). In June 2024, Mayor Nichols unveiled a $105 million “Road to Repair” plan to address socioeconomic and health disparities stemming from the massacre (naacpldf.org). This comprehensive plan, however, does not include direct cash payments to survivors (naacpldf.org). Instead, it focuses on investments in community infrastructure, economic development, and health initiatives within the historic Greenwood District ((afro.com), (binnews.com)).
A significant component of the plan is the creation of a “North Tulsa Economic Development Fund,” intended to stimulate business growth, job creation, and wealth accumulation in the historically underserved Greenwood area (afro.com). The plan also includes investments in health and wellness initiatives, such as establishing a new mental health facility or expanding access to healthcare services in North Tulsa, to address intergenerational trauma and health disparities (binnews.com). Infrastructure improvements, such as street repairs, lighting upgrades, and public park enhancements, are also part of the plan, aiming to revitalize the physical environment of the Greenwood District (afro.com). The “Road to Repair” further proposes educational and cultural programs designed to preserve the history of the massacre and promote racial reconciliation, including support for the Greenwood Rising Black Wall Street History Center (binnews.com). Viola Ford Fletcher’s life was a testament to the power of truth-telling and an unshakeable conviction for justice (naacpldf.org). Her voice, once silenced by fear, ultimately galvanized a national reckoning, ensuring that the story of Greenwood, its destruction, and its descendants, would not again be erased (naacpldf.org).
About the Author
Darius Spearman is a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College, where he has been teaching for over 20 years. He is the founder of African Elements, a media platform dedicated to providing educational resources on the history and culture of the African diaspora. Through his work, Spearman aims to empower and educate by bringing historical context to contemporary issues affecting the Black community.
