Why is Kordofan Burning? Sudan Conflict History Explained
By Darius Spearman (africanelements)
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The Modern Emergency in Kordofan
The United Nations issued a critical warning regarding an impending catastrophe in the central region of Sudan (un.org). In June 2026, international officials briefed the Security Council on the rapid encirclement of El Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan (un.org, un.org). The Rapid Support Forces and allied militias have concentrated troops around this vital city (un.org). This offensive threatens to ignite a major humanitarian crisis (un.org).
Military activity has narrowed the opportunity for peaceful mediation between the warring factions (un.org). For months, the Sudanese Armed Forces have defended the city (un.org). However, the pressure on the defensive lines is growing stronger every day (un.org). The international community must act quickly to halt the violence (un.org). This impending clash could lead to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of innocent people (un.org). The loss of life and subsequent chaos would echo throughout the entire Horn of Africa (un.org, un.org).
The Rising Power of Drone Warfare
The nature of the conflict in Sudan has changed dramatically with the introduction of new technologies (un.org). Rosemary DiCarlo, the Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, addressed the Security Council on June 26, 2026 (un.org, un.org). She reported that the window to prevent a disaster is closing rapidly (un.org). Both military factions have escalated their operations by using advanced drone strikes (un.org).
These unmanned aerial systems target critical civilian infrastructure (un.org, un.org). The attacks hit fuel stations, bridges, and transport corridors (un.org). Consequently, local populations are completely isolated from the outside world (un.org). This technological escalation makes the delivery of humanitarian aid almost impossible (un.org). The destruction of infrastructure cuts off vital lifelines for those who are trapped inside the city (un.org). This makes the defense of civilian areas increasingly untenable and extremely dangerous (un.org, un.org).
Colonial Roots of Regional Division
The current suffering in Kordofan is deeply rooted in the history of foreign intervention (socialstudies.org). Between 1899 and 1956, the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium ruled Sudan (wikipedia.org). Although Egypt was technically a partner, Great Britain held the actual administrative authority (wikipedia.org). British rulers implemented a specific policy that divided the northern and southern territories (socialstudies.org).
This division created deep structural inequalities between the regions (socialstudies.org). The colonial government focused investments and education on the northern Arab elites (socialstudies.org). Meanwhile, they left the southern and peripheral areas, including Kordofan, completely underdeveloped (socialstudies.org). This unequal treatment represents a form of historical exploitation and neglect that still shapes the country today. When Sudan gained independence in 1956, the northern elites assumed control of the entire state (socialstudies.org). This concentration of authority laid the foundation for decades of political exclusion and conflict (socialstudies.org). It set a pattern where the central government neglected the margins of the nation (socialstudies.org).
Ethnic Identity and Political Domination
To comprehend the violence in Sudan, one must understand the social dynamics of the region (ushmm.org). The division between Arab and African ethnic groups is not a simple biological difference (ushmm.org). Most Sudanese people share a rich, mixed ancestry and have dark skin (ushmm.org). Instead, the distinction is primarily cultural, linguistic, and political (ushmm.org).
Arab identity is historically associated with the central riverine areas near the capital of Khartoum (ushmm.org). These communities have held most of the political and economic power since independence (ushmm.org). Conversely, African ethnic groups live mainly in the peripheral areas like Kordofan and Darfur (ushmm.org). They maintain their own unique indigenous languages and cultures (ushmm.org).
Successive governments in Khartoum attempted to enforce a single Arab-Islamic identity on the entire nation (ushmm.org). This policy of forced assimilation resulted in systemic economic injustice for peripheral groups. African communities resisted these policies, which led directly to the outbreak of several civil wars (ushmm.org, socialstudies.org). The unequal distribution of wealth created a permanent class division that fueled armed rebellion (ushmm.org, socialstudies.org). This historical division remains at the heart of the current battle for territorial control (ushmm.org).
The Nuba Mountains and the Second Civil War
The region of South Kordofan contains the Nuba Mountains, home to indigenous African communities (socialstudies.org). These people practice diverse religions, including Christianity, Islam, and traditional belief systems (socialstudies.org). In 1984, a charismatic Nuba leader named Yousif Kuwa Mekki made a critical decision (nubareports.org, culturalsurvival.org). He joined the rebel Sudan People’s Liberation Army (culturalsurvival.org).
This decision brought the Nuba people into the Second Sudanese Civil War (culturalsurvival.org). They fought against the central government to protect their lands and preserve their culture (culturalsurvival.org). The regime in Khartoum reacted with extreme brutality (socialstudies.org, culturalsurvival.org). The state mobilized local Arab pastoralist militias to crush the rebellion (culturalsurvival.org).
These forces burned villages, destroyed agricultural crops, and forced people into specialized camps (culturalsurvival.org). During the years of 1992 and 1993, the government declared a holy war against the Nuba (culturalsurvival.org). This campaign resulted in the deaths of approximately 100,000 Nuba civilians (culturalsurvival.org). Many international observers described this campaign as a silent genocide because the world ignored the slaughter (culturalsurvival.org). This historical struggle mirrors the ongoing African American struggle against involuntary servitude and forced displacement in the Western Hemisphere. The legacy of this violence continues to influence local dynamics in South Kordofan today (culturalsurvival.org).
Unresolved Peace and the Failed Consultations
The Second Sudanese Civil War ended with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005 (wikipedia.org). This historic treaty eventually led to the independence of South Sudan in 2011 (wikipedia.org). However, the agreement did not resolve the political status of Kordofan (ssrc.org, wikipedia.org). The region remained in a state of geopolitical uncertainty (ssrc.org).
While South Sudan received a clear referendum for independence, South Kordofan received only a promise of popular consultations (ssrc.org). These consultations were meant to allow local legislatures to negotiate their political relationship with Khartoum (ssrc.org). Unfortunately, the central government obstructed this democratic process (ssrc.org).
Because of these delays, the consultations were never completed (ssrc.org). War erupted again in South Kordofan in June 2011, just before South Sudan seceded (ssrc.org). The Sudanese Armed Forces launched aerial bombing campaigns against their own citizens (ssrc.org). This conflict displaced tens of thousands of people and lasted for nearly ten years (ssrc.org). The failure to address these grievances caused a major shift in political power and entrenched military rule. This left the region vulnerable to future flare-ups of violent conflict (ssrc.org).
From Janjaweed to the Rapid Support Forces
To understand the forces surrounding El Obeid today, one must examine the origins of the Rapid Support Forces (wikipedia.org). During the early 2000s, the government of Omar al-Bashir faced a rebellion in Darfur (wikipedia.org). In response, the regime armed nomadic Arab horsemen, who became known as the Janjaweed (wikipedia.org).
These militias carried out a campaign of terror against non-Arab farming communities (wikipedia.org). They slaughtered civilians, systematically raped women, and poisoned water sources (wikipedia.org). The United States government declared these actions a genocide in 2004 (ushmm.org). This violence resulted in approximately 300,000 deaths and displaced millions of people (wikipedia.org).
In 2013, President al-Bashir officially integrated these tribal militias into the national security apparatus (wikipedia.org). The government rebranded them as the Rapid Support Forces under General Mohamed Hamdan Daglo (wikipedia.org). This formalization gave the militia advanced weaponry and official state protection (wikipedia.org). The group eventually grew powerful enough to challenge the regular military for control of the entire nation (wikipedia.org). They accumulated vast wealth and military assets, making them a formidable opponent (wikipedia.org).
The Horrors of El Fasher
The current threat to El Obeid is amplified by the memory of recent atrocities (un.org). In 2025, the Rapid Support Forces besieged the city of El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur (un.org, usmission.gov). The siege lasted for eighteen months and deprived civilians of water, food, and medicine (usmission.gov).
On October 26, 2025, the paramilitary forces overran the city (usmission.gov). What followed was a systematic campaign of violence against non-Arab communities (usmission.gov). Militiamen executed thousands of unarmed men and targeted specific ethnic groups (usmission.gov). They established detention centers in public schools and hospitals to torture survivors (usmission.gov).
A United Nations Fact-Finding Mission concluded that these actions showed the hallmarks of genocide (usmission.gov). Human rights groups documented widespread sexual violence and mass executions (usmission.gov). This tragedy serves as a terrifying warning of what could happen if El Obeid falls (un.org). The international community fears a repeat of these horrors in Kordofan (un.org, un.org). The historical patterns of ethnically targeted abuse remain a constant threat under paramilitary rule (usmission.gov).
The Collapse of the National Alliance
The current war began in April 2023 when the alliance between the army and the paramilitary collapsed (wikipedia.org). General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan of the Sudanese Armed Forces and General Mohamed Hamdan Daglo of the Rapid Support Forces had previously ruled the country together (wikipedia.org). They had cooperated to overthrow the civilian-led government in a military coup (wikipedia.org).
However, tensions arose over the integration of the paramilitary into the regular army (wikipedia.org). The two leaders could not agree on the timeline for this integration or who would hold supreme authority (wikipedia.org). This political rivalry quickly turned into an all-out civil war that spread across the country (wikipedia.org).
El Obeid has became a key objective for both sides due to its strategic position (un.org, csis.org). The city serves as a critical transport corridor connecting Darfur to the eastern ports (csis.org). It is also the primary hub for international humanitarian operations in western Sudan (csis.org). If the paramilitary captures the city, they will control the flow of aid and secure their military supply lines (csis.org). This would allow them to solidify their dominance over the western regions (csis.org).
The Global Human Rights Crisis
The human cost of the ongoing war in Sudan has reached unprecedented levels (un.org). The country is now experiencing the largest displacement crisis in the entire world (un.org, reliefweb.int). Over twelve million people have been forced to flee their homes since the conflict began (reliefweb.int).
More than thirty-four million people, representing seventy-two percent of the population, require urgent humanitarian assistance (reliefweb.int). Acute food insecurity affects over twenty-one million individuals (reliefweb.int). Famine conditions have already been confirmed in parts of Darfur and South Kordofan (reliefweb.int, msf.org).
In El Obeid, more than one hundred thousand displaced persons are currently trapped under siege (un.org, un.org). A full-scale ground assault would put five hundred thousand civilians at immediate risk (un.org). The international community has a narrow window to intervene and prevent another massive human rights disaster (un.org). Without immediate action, the cycle of violence will continue to devastate the people of Sudan (un.org, un.org). The international community must move past statements of concern and take decisive steps to protect lives (un.org).
About the Author
Darius Spearman is a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College, where he has been teaching for over 20 years. He is the founder of African Elements, a media platform dedicated to providing educational resources on the history and culture of the African diaspora. Through his work, Spearman aims to empower and educate by bringing historical context to contemporary issues affecting the Black community.
