Why Haitian Mobilization Against Foreign Occupation Persists
By Darius Spearman (africanelements)
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The persistent cycle of foreign military intervention in Haiti has entered a highly militarized phase. Grassroots organizations and diaspora scholars have amplified calls against ongoing intervention frameworks. They argue that coordinated state violence and external forces continue to undermine national sovereignty (blackallianceforpeace.com). To understand why this mobilization persists, one must examine the devastating historical precedents that shape the Haitian relationship with external forces.
The Modern Security State and the GSF
The deployment of foreign security forces in Haiti has entered a highly militarized phase. By late 2025, the United Nations Security Council transformed the struggling, Kenya-led Multinational Security Support mission into the Gang Suppression Force (peoplesdispatch.org). Armed with an offensive hybrid mandate under Resolution 2793, this force intends to neutralize local armed coalitions (un.org). The Kenyan forces began drawing down in early 2026, making way for a multinational footprint (peoplesdispatch.org). This new military team includes soldiers from Chad and is commanded by Mongolian Major General Erdenebat Batsuuri (haitilibre.com).
Nations from the Global South deploy security forces on behalf of Western interests largely due to massive financial incentives. Governments like Kenya and Chad secure hundreds of millions of dollars in international funding and military equipment (peoplesdispatch.org, cepr.net). The United States externalizes its military operations to avoid the domestic political backlash of placing American boots on the ground (cepr.net). Consequently, these proxy forces serve as operational relays for broader geopolitical strategies (peoplesdispatch.org). These forces struggle to contain the violence while undermining local self-determination.
THE CYCLE OF FOREIGN OCCUPATION
Historical Roots: The First U.S. Occupation (1915–1934)
To understand the deep skepticism of the Haitian people, one must examine the first United States occupation from 1915 to 1934 (woodrowwilsonhouse.org). President Woodrow Wilson ordered United States Marines to land at Port-au-Prince under the guise of restoring political stability (woodrowwilsonhouse.org). However, the primary drivers were geopolitical and corporate interests (aaihs.org). The National City Bank of New York aggressively lobbied the United States government to secure its financial investments (aaihs.org). During the nineteen-year occupation, the military regime ruled under martial law, dissolved parliament, and rewrote the constitution to allow foreign land ownership (kiddle.co).
To build infrastructure, the military reinstated the corvée system of forced labor (wikipedia.org). This system legally required peasants to perform unpaid physical work if they could not pay taxes in cash (wikipedia.org). Under Major Smedley Butler, peasants were forced at gunpoint to construct a highway (wikipedia.org). This brutal exploitation closely resembled chattel slavery in a nation born from a successful Haitian Revolution (wikipedia.org). Guerilla fighters known as the Cacos, led by Charlemagne Péralte, rebelled against the Marines (wikipedia.org). Péralte was assassinated and photographed as a deterrent, but he became a martyr of anti-imperialist resistance (wikipedia.org). The occupation ended in 1934, leaving behind a legacy of trauma and mistrust (woodrowwilsonhouse.org).
The Forced Ouster of Jean-Bertrand Aristide
The cycle of modern foreign intervention in Haiti is directly tied to the forced removal of democratically elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in February 2004 (wikipedia.org). Aristide was the first democratically elected president in the nation (wikipedia.org). He championed progressive policies and demanded that France pay financial reparations (canada-haiti.ca). He sought over twenty-one billion dollars to compensate for the “independence ransom” extorted in 1825 (canada-haiti.ca). Western powers actively sought his removal to halt this high-profile campaign (canada-haiti.ca).
A coup d’état orchestrated by the governments of France and the United States forced Aristide out of office (canada-haiti.ca). When armed right-wing rebellions threatened the capital, the United States refused to assist Aristide (wikipedia.org). Instead, the United States made his resignation a precondition for any international security assistance (wikipedia.org). On February 29, 2004, United States military personnel placed Aristide on a charter flight into exile (wikipedia.org). This coordinated removal undermined Haitian democracy and set the stage for subsequent foreign occupations.
The Shadowy Rule of the Core Group
Following the 2004 coup, the international community created an unelected authority known as the Core Group (wikipedia.org). Established under United Nations Security Council Resolution 1542, this coalition was tasked with supervising the occupation (wikipedia.org). The group is composed of diplomats from the United States, Canada, France, Germany, Spain, and Brazil (un.org). Representatives from the European Union, the United Nations, and the Organization of American States also participate (un.org). Despite having no constitutional standing, this body makes high-level decisions regarding Haitian governance (un.org).
The Core Group has never included a Haitian representative (un.org). Yet, this specific coalition holds de facto veto power over the sovereignty of the nation (un.org). This power became evident in July 2021 following a major political vacuum (un.org). The Core Group issued a joint communiqué backing Ariel Henry as Prime Minister (un.org). This foreign endorsement effectively forced the interim Prime Minister to step down (un.org). Activists argue that this unelected body enforces a colonial structure, sidelining local democratic consensus (peoplesdispatch.org).
THE DEVASTATING HUMAN COST
The Devastating Legacy of MINUSTAH
The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti, known as MINUSTAH, operated from 2004 to 2017 (wikipedia.org, wikipedia.org). While presented as a stabilizing peacekeeping force, its legacy is defined by trauma and biological disaster (choleraalliance.org, hrw.org). In October 2010, Nepalese United Nations peacekeepers disposed of raw, infected sewage into the Artibonite River system (choleraalliance.org). This river served as the primary source of drinking water for hundreds of thousands of citizens (choleraalliance.org). The action introduced a deadly cholera epidemic into a nation with no modern history of the disease (choleraalliance.org).
The outbreak caused more than eight hundred and twenty thousand documented infections and over nine thousand seven hundred confirmed deaths (choleraalliance.org, who.int). For years, the United Nations covered up its role and denied responsibility (choleraalliance.org). The United Nations shielded itself behind diplomatic immunity to avoid paying direct financial reparations to the victims (choleraalliance.org). Beyond this biological disaster, MINUSTAH forces faced widespread allegations of extrajudicial killings and sexual exploitation (hrw.org). Local populations experienced shared struggles against oppression that forged deep resistance to foreign peacekeepers (hrw.org).
The Transition of Power: Ariel Henry and Jovenel Moïse
The assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021 triggered a deep constitutional vacuum in Haiti (miamiherald.com). In the aftermath, the United States and the Core Group intervened to install Ariel Henry as Prime Minister (un.org). Shortly after taking power, Henry was implicated in the assassination plot itself (miamiherald.com). Phone records revealed that Henry spoke twice with a chief suspect, Joseph Félix Badio, hours after the murder (miamiherald.com). When the chief prosecutor sought charges and a travel ban against Henry, the Prime Minister fired him (miamiherald.com).
Despite these credible links to the assassination, the United States continued to prop up Henry for nearly three years (miamiherald.com). Foreign governments prioritized immediate political stability over a transparent investigation (miamiherald.com). They also sought to prevent a large-scale refugee crisis from reaching American shores (miamiherald.com). Washington preferred a compliant leader who would coordinate foreign security interventions on Western terms (miamiherald.com). This continuous support for an illegitimate leader allowed armed gangs to expand their control over the capital (globalinitiative.net).
Modern Tech and Mercenaries: Vectus Global
As state security forces faltered, the unelected government turned to private military contractors (blackagendareport.com, blackagendareport.com). The Haitian government hired Vectus Global, a company led by Erik Prince, to combat local gang coalitions (blackagendareport.com, blackagendareport.com). Funded directly by the Haitian state, Vectus Global coordinates high-tech combat operations (blackagendareport.com, blackagendareport.com). These operations include the deployment of explosive quadcopter and kamikaze drone strikes in densely populated areas (blackagendareport.com, blackagendareport.com). Between March 2025 and January 2026, these state-backed drone strikes killed over one thousand two hundred people (blackagendareport.com, blackagendareport.com).
Although the United States State Department licensed Vectus Global to export its defense services, the company operates without local legal oversight (blackagendareport.com, blackagendareport.com). The complete legislative void in Haiti means there are no legal mechanisms to hold these foreign mercenaries accountable (blackagendareport.com, blackagendareport.com). This highly militarized approach resembles militarized law enforcement strategies that prioritize containing impoverished populations rather than solving structural poverty (blackagendareport.com). The use of private contractors further erodes state sovereignty, transferring security operations to foreign commercial interests.
MILITARIZED CONTRACTOR IMPACT
Arms Smuggling: The Flow of Florida Weapons
A key contradiction of the security crisis is that Haiti manufactures no weapons, yet possesses an estimated five hundred thousand firearms (globalinitiative.net, csis.org). The vast majority of these illegal weapons originate from the United States (csis.org). Straw purchasers acquire high-powered sniper rifles and machine guns in states with weak gun laws, such as Florida, Texas, and Georgia (csis.org). These weapons are then smuggled through South Florida ports, frequently hidden in shipping containers labeled as religious or humanitarian donations (csis.org).
These deadly shipments exploit systemic corruption at Haitian ports and porous maritime borders (csis.org). Meanwhile, the United States Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives faces severe staffing shortages (csis.org). With fewer than eight hundred investigative staff to monitor over fifty thousand retail dealers, domestic interception remains highly limited (csis.org). The continuous flow of American firearms fuels the very violence that Western powers cite to justify military intervention.
Alternative Futures: The Montana Accord versus the TPC
In response to the crisis, Haitian civil society created a sovereign, bottom-up alternative known as the Montana Accord in August 2021 (haitisolidarity.net). This broad coalition of over one hundred and eighty organizations proposed a transition plan free from foreign interference (haitisolidarity.net). The accord aimed to restore basic state functions, clean up the national police force, and prepare for democratic elections (haitisolidarity.net). Instead of supporting this grassroots option, the United States and its allies imposed the Transitional Presidential Council in April 2024 (strongercaribbeantogether.org).
The Transitional Presidential Council represents a top-down structure dominated by traditional political elites (strongercaribbeantogether.org). Its rules mandate that all members must support the immediate deployment of foreign military forces, such as the Gang Suppression Force (strongercaribbeantogether.org). This rule effectively excluded political groups that prioritize sovereign independence (strongercaribbeantogether.org). Scholars argue that this council protects the interests of corrupt elites (ubc.ca). It highlights how foreign intervention places strict limits of sovereignty on the Haitian people, locking the nation into a continuous cycle of external control (ubc.ca).
About the Author
Darius Spearman is a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College, where he has been teaching for over 20 years. He is the founder of African Elements, a media platform dedicated to providing educational resources on the history and culture of the African diaspora. Through his work, Spearman aims to empower and educate by bringing historical context to contemporary issues affecting the Black community.
