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Remembering H. Rap Brown: Legacy of a Black Power Icon

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H. Rap Brown’s Death: Legacy of a Black Power Icon

By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

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Hubert Gerold Brown, known to the world as H. Rap Brown, and later as Muslim cleric Jamil Al-Amin, passed away on November 23, 2025, at the age of 82. He died in a federal prison medical center, concluding a life marked by revolutionary activism, profound spiritual transformation, and deeply controversial legal battles (wikipedia.org). His death reawakens a significant and often painful debate within the Black community concerning the incarceration of aging political prisoners from the Black freedom struggle (wikipedia.org). Many supporters continue to question the justice of his 2002 murder conviction, viewing him as a symbol of systemic injustice and racial bias ((ajc.com), (cbsnews.com)).

This pivotal moment prompts a closer look at the history behind the headlines, exploring the trajectory of a man whose words ignited a movement and whose fate continues to spark contention. Al-Amin’s story encapsulates a complex chapter of American history, defined by struggles for racial justice, shifts in societal norms, and persistent questions about dissent and punishment (wikipedia.org). Understanding his journey requires delving into the turbulent 1960s, the emergence of Black Power, and the enduring challenges faced by those who dare to challenge the status quo.

The Rise of a Militant Voice

H. Rap Brown emerged onto the national stage during a period of intense civil rights activism and racial upheaval in the United States (wikipedia.org). Born in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, in 1943, he began his involvement in the movement during high school, ultimately leaving Southern University in 1962 to dedicate himself fully to civil rights work (wikipedia.org). Brown quickly distinguished himself through his powerful and provocative rhetoric.

He joined the Non-Violent Action Group (NAG) in Washington D.C. in 1960, a student civil rights organization based at Howard University (wikipedia.org). NAG engaged in direct action protests against racial segregation and discrimination, often collaborating with larger groups like the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) (wikipedia.org). Brown eventually became NAG’s chairman, and his work there led him to SNCC, where he was appointed director of voter registration for Alabama in 1966 (wikipedia.org). In May 1967, he succeeded Stokely Carmichael (aka Kwame Toure) as SNCC’s national chairman (wikipedia.org). Carmichael, a pivotal figure, popularized the “Black Power” slogan and had already steered SNCC toward a more assertive and Black nationalist direction ((wikipedia.org), (blackpast.org)). Under Brown’s leadership, SNCC embraced an even more radical stance, with Brown famously advocating for the removal of “nonviolent” from the organization’s name (wikipedia.org).

Embracing Black Power and Confrontation

The Black Power movement, gaining momentum in the mid-1960s, advocated for racial pride, self-sufficiency, and the empowerment of Black communities ((wikipedia.org), (blackpast.org)). This ideology marked a significant departure from the earlier, more integrationist civil rights movement (wikipedia.org). Black Power promoted Black control over political and economic institutions within their own communities, often endorsing self-defense and even revolutionary means to achieve liberation (wikipedia.org). H. Rap Brown embodied this shift.

Brown became renowned for his “fiery speeches” that sharply critiqued racism and the Vietnam War (wikipedia.org). He championed armed resistance and separatism from white oppression, believing that true liberation meant achieving political, economic, and social autonomy, independent of white control (wikipedia.org). This vision included developing independent Black institutions, businesses, and political structures (wikipedia.org). He famously declared, “Violence is as American as cherry pie,” and “If America don’t come around, we’re gonna burn it down” (wikipedia.org). His eloquence and provocative delivery earned him the nickname “Rap.” In 1967, he toured the nation, calling for violent resistance against the government, which he referred to as “The Fourth Reich,” implying systematic oppression akin to Nazi Germany, and urging “guerrilla warfare in all the cities” (wikipedia.org). This term encompassed both literal armed self-defense against state-sanctioned violence and broader disruptive tactics aimed at destabilizing existing power structures (wikipedia.org).

Confrontation, Alliance, and Repression

Brown’s activism frequently brought him into direct conflict with law enforcement, making him a prime target of state repression (wikipedia.org). In July 1967, after a speech in Cambridge, Maryland, where he declared, “It’s time for Cambridge to explode, baby. Black folks built America, and if America don’t come around, we’re going to burn America down,” gunfire erupted and fires destroyed 17 buildings (wikipedia.org). Brown was wounded by a deputy sheriff and subsequently charged with inciting a riot and carrying a gun across state lines, although these federal charges were never proven (wikipedia.org). A historian has argued there was no riot and that Brown was shot without provocation (wikipedia.org).

He became a key target of the FBI’s COINTELPRO program, an initiative designed to disrupt and discredit civil rights leaders (wikipedia.org). A secret 1967 FBI memo explicitly called for his “neutralization.” In 1968, Congress passed the “H. Rap Brown Federal Anti-Riot Act,” which made it a federal crime to travel interstate with the intent to incite a riot ((wikipedia.org), (archives.gov)). This act significantly impacted civil rights activism by providing a legal tool to prosecute and suppress leaders, making it more difficult to organize large-scale demonstrations (wikipedia.org). After disappearing during a firearms trial in 1970, he was placed on the FBI’s Ten Most Wanted list (wikipedia.org). Despite facing intense pressure, Brown briefly served as the Minister of Justice for the Black Panther Party in 1968 during a temporary alliance between SNCC and the Panthers (wikipedia.org). This alliance, born from shared frustration and a commitment to Black Power, aimed to unify radical Black organizations, combining SNCC’s grassroots organizing with the Panthers’ emphasis on armed self-defense and revolutionary ideology (wikipedia.org). The Black Panther Party, founded in 1966, advocated for Black nationalism and revolutionary socialism, famously patrolling Black neighborhoods with visible weapons to combat police brutality ((wikipedia.org), (blackpast.org)). However, the alliance was short-lived due to ideological and organizational differences, including SNCC’s discomfort with the Panthers’ hierarchical structure and government repression targeting both groups (wikipedia.org).

This visualization illustrates the major ideological shifts within the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) from its early focus on nonviolence and integration to a more radical stance embracing Black Power and self-determination (wikipedia.org).

From H. Rap Brown to Jamil Al-Amin

In 1971, Brown was arrested following a robbery in New York that involved a shootout (wikipedia.org). He subsequently served a five-year sentence in Attica Prison from 1971 to 1976. During this imprisonment, a profound spiritual transformation occurred (wikipedia.org). He converted to Islam and formally changed his name to Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin (wikipedia.org). Upon his release, Al-Amin relocated to Atlanta, Georgia, embracing a new chapter in his life.

In Atlanta, Al-Amin became a respected Imam, a Muslim spiritual leader within his community, referred to as the National Ummah (wikipedia.org). The National Ummah for Al-Amin represented the local Muslim community he led, focused on social justice, economic development, and adherence to Islamic principles (wikipedia.org). He established a grocery store and actively advocated against drugs and gambling in his community, working to uplift its members and address systemic issues through faith-based initiatives (wikipedia.org). This period marked a transition from the confrontational politics of the 1960s to a dedicated effort in community building and spiritual leadership, aiming for self-sufficiency and economic development within his neighborhood (wikipedia.org).

The Controversial Conviction and Lingering Questions

Al-Amin’s life took a dramatic and tragic turn in March 2000, when two Fulton County, Georgia, sheriff’s deputies, Ricky Kinchen and Aldranon English, were shot while attempting to serve an arrest warrant at his Atlanta home (wikipedia.org). Deputy Kinchen died from his injuries, and Deputy English was wounded (wikipedia.org). Al-Amin was arrested four days after the shootings in Alabama. In March 2002, he was convicted of 13 criminal charges, including Kinchen’s murder and aggravated assault, and sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole ((wikipedia.org), (ajc.com)). Prosecutors alleged that Al-Amin fired a high-powered assault rifle and then shot Kinchen with a handgun as the wounded deputy lay in the street (wikipedia.org). The surviving deputy, Aldranon English, identified Al-Amin as the shooter (wikipedia.org).

However, from the moment of his conviction, supporters of Al-Amin have consistently maintained his innocence, alleging that the case was unjust and racially biased (wikipedia.org). Defense attorneys at his trial suggested he was framed as part of an ongoing government conspiracy dating back to his activist days (wikipedia.org). Points of contention include Deputy English’s initial description of the shooter’s eyes as gray, while Al-Amin’s are brown (wikipedia.org). Questions have also been raised about the recovery of weapons near his arrest site, with suggestions they may have been planted (wikipedia.org). Prominent civil rights leader Andrew Young, known for his roles as an aide to Martin Luther King Jr., U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, and Mayor of Atlanta, has publicly expressed his belief that Al-Amin was “wrongfully convicted” ((wikipedia.org), (aaregistry.org)). Various advocacy groups, including the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the largest Muslim civil liberties and advocacy organization in the U.S., and the Imam Jamil Action Network, have actively campaigned for a new investigation and Al-Amin’s release (wikipedia.org). Despite these efforts, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to review his case in 2020 (wikipedia.org). In May 2025, his attorneys filed an “extraordinary motion” for a new trial, a rare legal request made after standard appeals, citing newly discovered evidence and constitutional violations (wikipedia.org). This motion offers a last resort for defendants who believe they have been wrongfully convicted (wikipedia.org).

Death, Political Prisoners, and Enduring Legacy

Jamil Al-Amin died on November 23, 2025, at 82 years old, at the Federal Medical Center in Butner, North Carolina, following a prolonged battle with cancer and a period of severe medical decline (wikipedia.org). His death in federal custody has intensified calls from supporters to clear his name, reigniting the contentious debate over the treatment of aging political prisoners from the Black freedom struggle ((wikipedia.org), (ajc.com)). The term “political prisoner” in this context refers to individuals imprisoned for acts stemming from their profound commitment to resisting unjust laws and oppressive social conditions (wikipedia.org). This perspective posits that such acts, even if defined as “criminal” by the state, are extensions of a broader fight for human rights and liberation (wikipedia.org).

Historically, movements for Black liberation in the U.S. have faced significant state repression, with mass incarceration often described as a tool to prevent the emergence of effective movements and to disrupt Black communities ((wikipedia.org), (theanarchistlibrary.org)). This operates by systematically removing a significant portion of the adult male Black population, including activists and community leaders, thereby weakening social and political organizing capabilities and destabilizing families (wikipedia.org). The observance of Black August, initiated in the California prison system in 1979, serves to honor Black freedom fighters and political prisoners, highlighting prison conditions and advocating for their release ((wikipedia.org), (social-current.org)). Observances often include studying the history of Black resistance, fasting, and abstaining from intoxicants as a form of discipline and solidarity ((wikipedia.org), (social-current.org)).

This graphic illustrates four foundational ideological pillars that defined the Black Power movement, emphasizing racial identity, independence, and protection (wikipedia.org).

The cases of individuals such as Jamil Al-Amin underscore enduring questions about racial bias within the justice system and whether political motivations have influenced prosecutions (wikipedia.org). Advocates contend that innocence should not be a prerequisite for supporting political prisoners, emphasizing the systemic injustices faced by those who challenged the status quo (wikipedia.org). Al-Amin’s journey, from his militant activism as H. Rap Brown to his conviction and death in prison, remains a potent symbol in discussions surrounding political prisoners and the quest for Black liberation. His legacy continues to serve as a call for reflection on the profound impact of past struggles on contemporary justice, and the ongoing fight for true freedom and equity for Black people (wikipedia.org).

About the Author

Darius Spearman is a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College, where he has been teaching for over 20 years. He is the founder of African Elements, a media platform dedicated to providing educational resources on the history and culture of the African diaspora. Through his work, Spearman aims to empower and educate by bringing historical context to contemporary issues affecting the Black community.