
The Hidden History Behind the Ethiopia Eritrea Conflict Rift
By Darius Spearman (africanelements)
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The Horn of Africa is facing a dramatic shift that has caught the attention of the world. In February 2026, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed made a public statement that shocked his neighbors. He accused the troops of Eritrea of carrying out mass killings and systemic looting during the Tigray War (arabnews.com). This is a massive change because the two nations were once close allies in that very conflict. Eritrea was quick to respond to these claims. Officials in Eritrea dismissed the charges as lies that were both cheap and despicable (arabnews.com).
To understand why these former friends are now trading insults, we must look at their shared past. The history of this region is filled with shifting alliances and a deep struggle for identity. For many in the African diaspora, seeing brothers fight over borders feels like a familiar and painful story. The current rift is not just about words. It is about a long history of blood, independence, and the desperate need for a way to reach the sea. As President Donald Trump monitors global hotspots, the tension in East Africa remains a high priority for international peace (visionofhumanity.org).
The Long Road to Eritrean Independence
Eritrea was once a province of Ethiopia, but the people there long desired to be free. This led to a thirty-year war for independence that began in 1961. During this time, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front were on the same side. They both fought against the Derg regime, which was a brutal military group backed by the Soviet Union. This common enemy made them tactical allies for many years. They shared the same goal of removing a dictator who caused great suffering across the land.
The Derg regime is a dark chapter in the history of the region. It was led by Mengistu Haile Mariam and was known for the Red Terror. During this period, hundreds of thousands of people were killed or disappeared. The trauma from this era still affects how people in Ethiopia and Eritrea view their leaders today. The historical and cultural impact of such violence often leaves scars that last for generations. When the Derg finally fell in 1991, Eritrea gained its independence shortly after in 1993. However, the peace between the new nation and Ethiopia did not last very long.
Source: Global Peace Index (visionofhumanity.org)
From Friends to Bitter Border Rivals
By 1998, the former allies turned into enemies over a small village called Badme. This border dispute led to a war that claimed nearly 100,000 lives. It was a senseless conflict that left both countries in a state of no-war and no-peace for twenty years. Ethiopia refused to leave the land that an international commission said belonged to Eritrea. This stalemate hurt the economies of both nations and separated families who lived along the border. The tension was a constant shadow over the Horn of Africa.
In 2018, everything changed when Abiy Ahmed became the Prime Minister of Ethiopia. He surprised the world by reaching out to the Eritrean President, Isaias Afwerki. He agreed to give back the disputed land and end the long silence. This act of peace was so significant that Abiy won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 (arabnews.com). However, some people were suspicious of this new friendship. The leaders of the Tigray region felt that the deal was a way for Abiy and Afwerki to team up against them. This distrust eventually led to the start of the Tigray War in late 2020.
The Brutality of the Tigray Conflict
The war in Tigray was one of the deadliest conflicts of the twenty-first century. Experts estimate that between 400,000 and 600,000 people lost their lives (visionofhumanity.org). At first, the Ethiopian government said that Eritrea was not involved in the fighting. However, it soon became clear that Eritrean troops were playing a major role. They fought alongside the Ethiopian army to defeat the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. During this time, reports of terrible crimes began to emerge from the region.
One of the worst events was the Axum Massacre. Human rights groups found that hundreds of civilians were killed in a very short time. There were also reports of looting in cities like Adwa and the destruction of factories in Adigrat (arabnews.com). For a long time, Prime Minister Abiy ignored these reports. But in early 2026, he changed his tone. He used a speech to the Ethiopian Parliament to blame Eritrea for these atrocities. This shift in the narrative between eras shows how quickly political friendships can fall apart.
The War of Words in 2026
The accusations made by Abiy Ahmed in February 2026 mark a total collapse of the 2018 peace deal. Abiy told the House of People’s Representatives that the actions of Eritrean troops broke the relationship between the two countries (africanews.com). He mentioned the destruction of pharmaceutical plants and the killing of innocent people. Eritrea was not silent in the face of these claims. Their Information Minister called the accusations a deception meant to hide Ethiopia’s own failures (waryatv.com). Eritrea claims that Abiy is making up these stories to start a new war.
Some experts believe Abiy is under a lot of pressure at home. He is currently fighting other groups within Ethiopia, such as the Fano militia in the Amhara region (apanews.net). By blaming Eritrea for the crimes of the Tigray War, he might be trying to win back support from the international community. This strategy of pointing fingers is common when leaders face trouble within their own borders. However, it also makes the chance of a new war between Ethiopia and Eritrea much higher. Many people are now in a pursuit of reparations and justice for what they suffered during the fighting.
Source: APANews (apanews.net)
The High Stakes of the Red Sea
A major reason for the tension today is Ethiopia’s need for a sea port. Ethiopia is the most populous landlocked country in the world. Since Eritrea became independent, Ethiopia has lost its direct access to the Red Sea. Now, it must pay billions of dollars every year to use the port in Djibouti (apanews.net). Prime Minister Abiy has said that the Red Sea is a survival interest for his country. He believes that Ethiopia and the sea cannot stay separated forever (ethiopiaobserver.com).
Eritrea sees these comments as a direct threat to its land. They worry that Ethiopia wants to take over the Port of Assab by force. In late 2025, Ethiopia signed a deal with Somaliland to get access to a different port. This deal made many other countries in the region angry, including Somalia and Egypt (apanews.net). The struggle for the sea is not just about trade. It is about power and the ability of a nation to grow without asking for permission. For the average citizen, the lack of a port means that food and medicine are much more expensive.
The Crisis of the Displaced
While the leaders argue, the people continue to suffer. As of early 2026, there are more than 3.3 million people in Ethiopia who have been forced to leave their homes (elpais.com). Many of these people are living in camps with very little food or water. The war destroyed their farms and their businesses. In the Tigray region alone, nearly forty percent of the people are facing extreme hunger (visionofhumanity.org). This humanitarian crisis is a direct result of the decisions made by politicians in both Addis Ababa and Asmara.
The international community has tried to help, but the situation remains dire. The African Union helped start a peace agreement in 2022, but it has been hard to enforce. There are still many armed groups in the area, and peace feels very fragile. The strength and resilience of the families who are trying to rebuild their lives is truly amazing. They must deal with the trauma of the past while also worrying about the possibility of more war in the future. The cycle of displacement and violence seems never-ending for many in the Horn.
Source: Sudan Horizon / El Pais (sudanhorizon.com, elpais.com)
Domestic Fires and New Enemies
Prime Minister Abiy is not only fighting with Eritrea. He is also facing a serious rebellion from the Fano militia in the Amhara region. The Fano used to be his allies during the Tigray War. They helped the government fight the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. But in 2023, Abiy ordered the dissolution of regional forces. The Amhara people felt this would leave them unprotected against their enemies. Consequently, the Fano began an insurgency against the federal army (apanews.net).
In early 2026, the situation became even more complicated. Reports suggested that some Fano groups were receiving support from Eritrea. This shows how the “enemy of my enemy is my friend” logic still rules the region. Ethiopia also accused Eritrea of trying to smuggle thousands of rounds of ammunition into the country (apanews.net). These internal struggles make it very hard for Abiy to focus on regional peace. The country is dealing with many different fires at the same time, and it is unclear if the government can put them all out.
The Future of the Horn of Africa
The world is watching to see what will happen next between these two nations. The African Union and other world powers are calling for both sides to calm down. They do not want to see another full-scale war that would cause even more suffering. However, the distrust between Abiy Ahmed and Isaias Afwerki is very deep. They both know each other’s secrets from their time as allies. This makes their current fight even more dangerous, as they can use those secrets as political weapons.
For the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea, the hope for lasting peace seems far away. The cycle of conflict has lasted for decades, and each generation must deal with the mistakes of the last. It will take more than just a Nobel Prize or a single speech to fix the problems in the Horn of Africa. It will require a commitment to justice and a fair way for all nations to share the resources of the region. Until then, the history behind the headlines will continue to repeat itself in painful ways.
About the Author
Darius Spearman is a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College, where he has been teaching for over 20 years. He is the founder of African Elements, a media platform dedicated to providing educational resources on the history and culture of the African diaspora. Through his work, Spearman aims to empower and educate by bringing historical context to contemporary issues affecting the Black community.