Unpacking Who Is “Most American”
By Darius Spearman (africanelements)
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The Unseen Lines of Americanness
Being an American is often thought of as a straightforward concept, defined by legal documents like birth certificates or naturalization papers. However, the reality is far more complex. For many, especially within Black and other non-White communities, the idea of who is considered “truly” American is shaped by unspoken rules and unconscious biases. These psychological and social factors often create an invisible barrier, making some people feel more American than others, regardless of their legal citizenship.
This subtle yet powerful distinction influences how individuals are treated in society. It can determine who feels welcome, who is merely tolerated, and who is made to feel like an outsider in their own country. Understanding these underlying perceptions is crucial for recognizing the challenges faced by diverse populations in the United States, a nation built on the promise of equality for all.
Understanding Implicit Bias and Its Measurement
At the heart of these unspoken rules lies implicit bias. This term refers to unconscious attitudes or stereotypes that affect our understanding, actions, and decisions. These biases are automatic and often unintentional, yet they can profoundly influence how we perceive and interact with others, particularly concerning race and identity. Research has consistently shown that an “American = White” implicit bias exists, meaning that many people unconsciously associate being American with being White (Now They are American, Now They are Not: Valence as a Determinant of the Inclusion of African Americans in the American Identity).
This bias can manifest in various ways, such as influencing perceptions of who is considered “truly American” or contributing to anti-immigrant sentiment (American = White? | Semantic Scholar). To measure these hidden associations, psychologists often use a tool called the Implicit Association Test, or IAT. The IAT measures the strength of associations between concepts in people’s minds by tracking how quickly individuals categorize words or images. For example, in the context of “American = White” bias, an IAT might measure how quickly someone associates “American” with “White” faces or names compared to “American” with “Asian” or “Black” faces or names. Faster response times for certain pairings suggest a stronger implicit association ((PDF) American = White?).
Adult Perceptions: The “American = White” Association
Even among adults who explicitly believe in fairness and equality for all citizens, implicit biases about who is “truly” American often persist. These beliefs, known as egalitarian ideals, suggest a commitment to equal rights and opportunities regardless of background. However, psychological studies reveal a different story beneath the surface. In a significant 2005 study, American adults from various racial backgrounds were quickest to link the concept of “American” with white individuals (Who’s the most American? Psychological studies show that many people are biased and think it’s a white English speaker).
Participants in this study, including White, Black, and Asian American adults, were asked about their explicit support for equality. They then completed an implicit association test where they matched faces with “American” or “foreign” categories, even though all faces were confirmed U.S. citizens. White and Asian participants were fastest to match white faces with “American,” even if they had initially expressed egalitarian values (Who’s the most American? Psychological studies show that many people are biased and think it’s a white English speaker). Interestingly, Black Americans implicitly viewed both Black and white faces as equally American. However, they too implicitly saw Asian faces as less American (Who’s the most American? Psychological studies show that many people are biased and think it’s a white English speaker). This highlights the complex nature of implicit bias, where even members of marginalized groups can internalize biases against other groups. Similarly, a 2010 study found that many American adults implicitly considered British actress Kate Winslet more American than U.S.-born Lucy Liu, despite knowing their actual nationalities. This further illustrates how deeply ingrained these unconscious associations can be.
Adult Implicit Associations with “American”
This visualization illustrates the relative strength of implicit associations with “American” across different adult racial groups, showing a general bias towards white individuals and a common bias against Asian individuals.
Childhood Beginnings: Language as a Marker
The journey of forming these perceptions about who belongs begins surprisingly early in life. For very young children, language often serves as the primary identifier of nationality. A 2017 study conducted by psychologist Jasmine DeJesus and her research team explored this phenomenon by asking children to guess nationality based on faces and spoken language (“American = English Speaker” Before “American = White”: The Development of Children’s Reasoning About Nationality – PubMed).
The study involved 5- and 6-year-old children from different backgrounds: white American children who spoke only English, children in South Korea who spoke only Korean, and Korean American children who spoke both languages. The faces shown were either white- or Asian-looking and spoke either English or Korean. The vast majority of the younger monolingual children identified nationality with language, describing English speakers as American and Korean speakers as Korean, regardless of the person’s race (Who’s the most American? Psychological studies show that many people are biased and think it’s a white English speaker). Even younger bilingual Korean American children, whose parents’ first language was Korean, thought that English speakers, not Korean speakers, were American (Who’s the most American? Psychological studies show that many people are biased and think it’s a white English speaker). This suggests that in early childhood, the sound of a language is a powerful cue for national identity, often overriding visual racial differences.
Children’s Developing Nationality Cues
Ages 5-6: Language Priority
Young children primarily identify nationality based on the language spoken. English speakers are “American,” Korean speakers are “Korean,” regardless of race.
Ages 9-10: Race Becomes Integral
Older children increasingly incorporate racial characteristics into their nationality judgments. White English speakers are seen as “most American.”
This visualization illustrates how children’s understanding of nationality shifts from primarily language-based to increasingly race-based as they grow older.
The Shifting Lens: Race Takes Center Stage
As children grow older, their understanding of nationality evolves, and racial characteristics begin to play a much more significant role. By the age of 9, children increasingly view racial traits as an integral part of what defines a nationality (Who’s the most American? Psychological studies show that many people are biased and think it’s a white English speaker). This shift is partly due to what psychologists call “essentialist reasoning,” where children begin to see certain traits, like race, as fixed and inherent to a person’s identity, rather than fluid or changeable. This contrasts with their earlier tendency to prioritize language, which they might perceive as something that can be learned or changed.
For example, 9- and 10-year-olds in the 2017 study started to consider both language and race when making nationality judgments (‘American = English-speaker’ before ‘American = White.’ The development of children’s reasoning about nationality. | Request PDF). By this age, children considered white English speakers to be the most American, compared with Korean speakers who looked white or English speakers who looked Asian (Who’s the most American? Psychological studies show that many people are biased and think it’s a white English speaker). This impact of race was even more noticeable in older children studied in South Korea (Why some Americans seem more ‘American’ than others). A 2011 study further supported this, finding that 9- to 10-year-old European American children chose a race-match over a language-match when asked about the stability of race and language throughout an individual’s lifespan (Children’s essentialist reasoning about language and race.). This developmental trajectory shows how societal cues about race become deeply embedded in children’s understanding of national identity, often leading to the exclusion of non-White individuals from the perceived “American” ideal.
Real-World Impact and Persistent Stereotypes
These implicit biases about who is “American” are not harmless abstract concepts; they have tangible, real-world consequences. The extent to which people link whiteness with Americanness is directly related to discriminatory behaviors in various settings. This can include unfair practices in hiring processes or questioning the loyalty of individuals who do not fit the implicit “White English speaker” mold (Who’s the most American? Psychological studies show that many people are biased and think it’s a white English speaker). For Black Americans and other communities of color, these biases can lead to constant scrutiny and the burden of proving their belonging, despite generations of citizenship and contributions to the nation.
These biases, found in both children and adults, have deep roots in our psychology and are not based on legal requirements for citizenship (Who’s the most American? Psychological studies show that many people are biased and think it’s a white English speaker). While earlier studies from 2005 and 2017 highlighted their presence, more recent research confirms their persistence. A comprehensive analysis spanning 17 years, from 2007 to 2023, leveraged data from over 660,000 tests. This extensive study provided the most thorough investigation of the “American = White/Foreign = Asian” stereotype to date, indicating that it remains a significant factor despite evolving social attitudes (Who is American? A comprehensive analysis of the American = White/Foreign = Asian stereotype (2007-2023)). While existing research has extensively studied implicit biases among White, Black, and Asian participants, there is a recognized gap in comprehensive data regarding other significant racial and ethnic groups, such as Hispanic and Native American populations. Addressing this gap is crucial for a more complete understanding of how diverse communities perceive and are perceived within the framework of American identity (Who is American? A comprehensive analysis of the American = White/Foreign = Asian stereotype (2007-2023)).
Persistence of “American = White” Stereotype
This visualization highlights the extensive research confirming the continued presence of the “American = White” stereotype over nearly two decades.
Navigating a Socially Constructed Identity
The concept of “American” identity is not fixed or solely based on legal citizenship. Instead, it is a social construct, meaning it is shaped by cultural norms, societal perceptions, and psychological associations (American = White? | Semantic Scholar). This fluidity means that who is considered “American” can vary depending on implicit biases and societal contexts, often leading to the exclusion of certain racial or ethnic groups despite their legal citizenship. The United States is a nation of immigrants with significant ethnic and racial diversity. Yet, American identity is often associated with European-Americans and their cultural values, defining ethnic boundaries (American = White? | Semantic Scholar).
For Black Americans, this social construction of identity has profound implications. It means navigating a society where their Americanness is often questioned or implicitly denied, even when their families have been in the country for centuries. The president recently released an executive order claiming to designate English as the official language, which further reinforces a narrow view of American identity, despite the nation’s rich linguistic diversity. Understanding that these biases exist is the first step toward challenging them. It encourages a deeper reflection on what it truly means to be American and whether our unconscious beliefs align with the nation’s stated ideals of equality and inclusion for all its citizens.
Understanding “American” as a Social Construct
Social Construct: The concept of “American” identity is not fixed by law alone. Instead, it is shaped by cultural norms, societal perceptions, and psychological associations. This means who is considered “American” can vary based on implicit biases, often excluding certain racial or ethnic groups despite their legal citizenship.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.
