History and Purpose of Prison Rodeos in the US

Angola Prison Rodeo: Spectacle or Exploitation?

By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

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Prison rodeos walk a thin line between community spectacle and a grim reminder of exploitation. These events, especially the famous Angola Prison Rodeo in Louisiana, serve many roles. They act as tools for managing behavior, raising money, and even providing social outlets for incarcerated people. However, they also stir up deep controversy. Many critics see them as modern-day echoes of a painful past. This past includes forced labor systems that targeted Black communities after the Civil War. Understanding prison rodeos means looking at both sides: the claimed benefits and the serious ethical questions.

The Angola Prison Rodeo is the oldest prison rodeo still running in the United States. It presents itself as a way for the prison to connect with the outside world. It also raises significant funds. Yet, for many in the African Diaspora, Angola’s history as a former plantation casts a long shadow. The events happening there today cannot be separated from that legacy. Therefore, examining these rodeos requires a critical eye, especially regarding who benefits and who bears the risks.

Angola Prison Rodeo: A Financial Lifeline?

The Angola Prison Rodeo is a major event that draws large crowds and significant amounts of money. As of 2013, it generated about $450,000 each year (Angola Prison Rodeo – Wikipedia). Officials state these funds support inmate religious and educational programs. This financial aspect is often highlighted as a key benefit. The rodeo provides resources that might otherwise be unavailable within the prison system. Texas also had a prison rodeo, which reportedly raised up to $290,000 annually before it ended (Texas Prison Rodeo – Is It Just Good Clean Fun? NCJRS). This fundraising potential makes rodeos appealing to prison administrations.

However, the money generated raises questions when compared to inmate wages. At Angola, regular prison labor often pays between 2 and 40 cents per hour (The Prison Rodeo at the Heart of Legal Enslavement | The Nation). During the rodeo, inmates can sell arts and crafts. They might earn 100 to 1,000 times their usual hourly wage through these sales. This vast difference highlights deep wage disparities within the system. Consequently, the chance to earn significantly more money becomes a powerful incentive for inmates to participate despite other factors.

Behavior, Risk, and the Angola Prison Rodeo

Prison authorities often use rodeos as tools for managing inmate behavior. Participation can be seen as a reward. It allows inmates a chance to earn money and break the monotony of prison life (Prison Rodeo—Louisiana Prison Museum). Events like Bull Riding require voluntary participation, which suggests inmates choose to face the risks involved. The opportunity for public interaction and showcasing skills can also be powerful motivators. These activities offer a rare moment in the spotlight.

However, many rodeo events are intentionally dangerous. Events like “Convict Poker,” where inmates sit at a table while a bull charges highlight extreme risk (Prison Rodeo — Louisiana Prison Museum). Events like “Guts and Glory” and “Wild Cow Milking” also prioritize high-risk challenges. While safety measures like trained rodeo clowns and emergency medical services are present, the inherent danger draws criticism (Angola Prison Rodeo – Wikipedia; CountyOffice.org – YouTube). Critics question whether the entertainment value justifies risking inmate safety, especially given their vulnerable position. Indeed, the voluntary nature of participation is complicated by the limited opportunities and extreme wage disparities within the prison.

Echoes of Slavery: The 13th Amendment Loophole

The 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution ratified in 1865, is the foundation of modern prison labor practices. It abolished slavery and involuntary servitude, “except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.” This exception is crucial. Critics argue it created a loophole, allowing forms of forced labor to continue, particularly targeting Black Americans (Walk Free; Westport Library LibGuides). This legal framework essentially permitted the justice system to be used as a tool for compelling labor from incarcerated individuals.

This loophole was quickly exploited after the Civil War, especially in the South. Southern states enacted “Black Codes,” laws that criminalized minor offenses like vagrancy, often targeting newly freed Black people (Close Up Foundation; Penal labor in the United States – Wikipedia). These codes ensured a steady supply of Black laborers for plantations and businesses needing to replace slave labor. This system, known as convict leasing, forced prisoners to work under brutal conditions, often for private companies, with little or no pay. Therefore, the 13th Amendment’s exception became a cornerstone of systemic racial and economic exploitation that persisted long after Reconstruction.

Modern prison labor practices continue to reflect this history. Practices like leasing inmates to private companies still occur (Penal labor in the United States – Wikipedia). In many states, incarcerated workers earn pennies per hour or nothing at all for most types of labor. States like Alabama and Texas are notorious for paying zero wages for the majority of prison jobs (Walk Free; Innocence Project). Ultimately, this system incentivizes mass incarceration, disproportionately affecting Black communities, and allows states and corporations to profit from cheap, coerced labor.

Angola’s Past: Plantation to Prison

Louisiana State Penitentiary, known as Angola, has a history deeply intertwined with slavery and racial exploitation. The prison sits on land that once had several large antebellum plantations (Innocence Project). After the Civil War, the state leased convicts, mostly Black men arrested under discriminatory Black Codes, to work these same fields. This convict-leasing system was notoriously brutal, essentially continuing slavery under a different name. The transition from plantation to prison wasn’t just a change in ownership but a continuation of forced agricultural labor on the same ground.

This history directly shapes Angola today. It operates as a massive working farm, with incarcerated people harvesting crops. The demographics starkly reflect the legacy of racial bias. About 75% of the incarcerated population at Angola is Black (Innocence Project). Furthermore, around 70% of those serving life sentences there are Black (Walk Free). These numbers are not accidental; they are the result of historical systems like Black Codes and racially biased policing and sentencing that continue to affect Black communities disproportionately (Westport Library LibGuides). Consequently, events like the Angola Prison Rodeo occur within a context saturated with this history of racial oppression.

The Rodeo Spectacle: Rehabilitation or Exploitation?

Supporters sometimes frame prison rodeos and activities like Arts and Crafts Festivals as rehabilitative. They argue these events allow inmates to develop marketable skills and engage positively with the public (Angola Prison Rodeo – Wikipedia; The Nation). Inmates create goods, sometimes mimicking free-world products they can sell for profit. The rodeo itself attracts over 10,000 attendees, offering a rare chance for inmates to interact with family and the outside world (Angola Prison Rodeo – Wikipedia). This public spotlight and the income potential are presented as positive aspects.

However, critics view these events through the lens of exploitation, arguing they mask the harsh realities of prison labor under the guise of community engagement (The Nation). The term “legal enslavement” is used to describe conditions where incarcerated people face extreme wage disparities and lack basic workplace protections, conditions mirroring historical slavery (Walk Free). The national average wage for incarcerated workers is estimated at $0.86 per day, with many earning nothing (Innocence Project). Furthermore, refusal to work can lead to harsh punishments, reinforcing the coercive nature of the labor (Westport Library LibGuides). Prison Enterprises that utilize inmate labor generated significant revenue—$31 million reported in Louisiana in 2023 (The Nation) and billions nationally (Penal labor in the United States – Wikipedia)—raising questions about who truly profits.

The crafts sold at events like the Angola rodeo also reflect complex dynamics. Inmate creativity is channeled into producing items the public demands, sometimes including controversial pieces like “Most Wanted” chairs featuring political figures (The Nation). While showcasing skill, this profit-driven creativity occurs within a system built on drastically underpaid labor. Therefore, the spectacle of the rodeo, with its crowds and crafts, coexists uneasily with the underlying economic exploitation inherent in the prison labor system it relies upon.

Who Rides? Demographics and Danger

While specific racial data on rodeo participants isn’t provided in the sources, the context of Angola prison is revealing. Given that 75% of Angola’s population is Black, it is highly probable that Black inmates are disproportionately represented among rodeo participants (Innocence Project; Walk Free). This demographic reality is tied to the historical and ongoing systemic issues in policing and sentencing that funnel Black individuals into the prison system at higher rates. The legacy of Black Codes and convict leasing created a labor pipeline that arguably continues today, manifesting even in public spectacles like prison rodeos (Penal labor in the United States – Wikipedia; Westport Library LibGuides).

Participation also involves significant physical risk. Events like Convict Poker are inherently dangerous (Prison Rodeo — Louisiana Prison Museum). While safety protocols exist, such as emergency services, the effectiveness of safety measures in the broader context of prison labor is questionable (CountyOffice.org – YouTube). Incarcerated workers are generally excluded from federal protections like those provided by OSHA (Walk Free; Penal labor in the United States – Wikipedia). Workplace injuries are often poorly reported and treated, potentially leaving individuals unable to work upon release. Thus, the danger faced in the rodeo arena mirrors the lack of safety protection standards in other forms of prison labor.

The Bottom Line: Wages, Revenue, and Reform

The economics of prison labor reveal stark inequities. As mentioned, wages average less than a dollar daily nationally, with seven states paying nothing for most jobs (Walk Free; Penal labor in the United States – Wikipedia). This cheap labor generates substantial revenue. Prison labor contributes an estimated $2 billion in goods and $9 billion in services to the US economy annually (Penal labor in the United States – Wikipedia). This money often benefits state governments and private companies participating in programs like the Prison Industry Enhancement Certification Program (PIECP), rather than the incarcerated workers themselves.

This system undermines claims of rehabilitation. While proponents suggest low-wage labor offers job training, critics point to the estimated $18 billion in wages effectively withheld from incarcerated workers annually due to subminimum pay (Walk Free; Close Up Foundation). Many skills learned in prison jobs, like maintenance or agriculture, don’t easily translate to well-paying jobs post-release (Penal labor in the United States – Wikipedia). Some argue that paying market wages could reduce recidivism by providing financial stability upon release. However, states often claim the cost—estimated at $1.5 billion annually in California, for example—is prohibitive (Close Up Foundation). Therefore, the current structure prioritizes revenue generation over fair compensation or potentially effective rehabilitation.

Prison rodeos like Angola’s occupy a complicated space. They generate funds and provide inmates with unique income and social interaction opportunities. Yet, they operate within a system rooted in the 13th Amendment’s exception, echoing historical exploitation that disproportionately impacted Black Americans. The low wages, inherent dangers, and questionable rehabilitative value overshadow the spectacle. Ultimately, understanding these events requires acknowledging both their surface appeal and their deep connection to the ongoing issues of mass incarceration and forced labor in America.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.